Generating political will for safe motherhood in Indonesia
Introduction
Several recent works have expressed concern that despite widespread global attention to safe motherhood, insufficient progress has been made in reducing the number of maternal deaths in childbirth in the developing world (Maine & Rosenfield, 1999; Weil & Fernandez, 1999). The World Health Organization and UNICEF estimate that there were nearly 600,000 such deaths in 1990 (WHO & UNICEF, 1996), an alarmingly high figure that meant that almost one in every 200 births in the world resulted in the death of the mother. In 1987, an international conference on safe motherhood was held in Nairobi, Kenya, bringing together dozens of international organizations, NGOs and country representatives. The conference resulted in a declaration of global commitment to reducing the number of maternal deaths by half by the year 2000. Expectations were high that in the ensuing decade significant progress could be made in fighting this long-neglected issue. These hopes have not been met: it was clear at the end of 2000 that the world was nowhere near to achieving this goal, and it is not even certain that global maternal mortality levels have declined in the past decade to any significant degree.
Studies have attributed this lack of progress to multiple factors, but are in agreement on certain fundamental points (Maine, 1993; Maine & Rosenfield, 1999; Weil & Fernandez, 1999): the major medical causes of maternal death in childbirth are well understood, the interventions are well-established to prevent such deaths, and the most critical of these is ensuring access to essential and emergency obstetric medical care in the event of complications arising during childbirth. What is lacking, it is commonly acknowledged, is not technical knowledge, but political will.
In marked contrast to our extensive knowledge about the medical and technical interventions necessary to prevent maternal death—a positive legacy of the past decade—we know little about the political interventions necessary to increase the likelihood that national leaders pay meaningful attention to the issue.1 There is one exception to this statement: past experience indicates how to get the subject on to the global policy agenda. The Nairobi conference itself was an exemplary example. Safe motherhood advocates worked together to arrange an international conference, involving all the world's major institutional actors in the health policy arena, and succeeded in grabbing the world's attention for an issue that had long been neglected. Maternal mortality, once hidden, suddenly burst on to the global policy agenda, if only for a moment. The problem is that between global attention and national action lies a major gap.
This paper presents a case study concerning safe motherhood efforts in Indonesia in the decade that followed the Nairobi conference. It traces the emergence, waning and re-generation of political priority for the cause through the year 1997. The case study begins with Nairobi, but this is only the starting point. Thereafter, a significant number of developments took place within the domestic political system that brought the issue to national prominence. Nairobi was enough to jump-start the process, but not enough to sustain it. The purpose of presenting the case study is to distill elements that may help us understand how political priority for safe motherhood may be sustained at the level of the nation-state. Indonesia is unique in many respects and no claim is made that all aspects of the experience of this country are relevant for the great diversity of countries facing safe motherhood crises. Nevertheless, there are certain dimensions of the case that may be of use for safe motherhood efforts in other countries, as well as for other public health causes such as infectious disease control, health sector reform and family planning promotion.
In exploring the case the paper draws extensively from a long-standing literature in the field of policy studies on the subject of agenda setting. Agenda setting is that stage in the public policy process in which certain problems rise to the attention of policy-makers while others recede or are ignored completely.2 It is the first stage in this process and precedes three others: the formulation of policy, the enactment of authoritative decisions, and the implementation of policy (Kingdon, 1984). The central importance of agenda setting in the public policy process is expressed forcefully in a famous statement by Schattschneider (1960) that, ‘the definition of the alternatives is the supreme instrument of power’. It is only those possibilities that become salient to national political actors that stand a chance of actualization.
In the past decade scholars concerned with safe motherhood have made considerable gains in terms of raising maternal mortality as an issue of global proportions (Rosenfield & Maine, 1985; WHO & UNICEF, 1996); identifying the medical causes of maternal death in childbirth (Glazener et al., 1995); delineating the cultural and socioeconomic dynamics surrounding pregnancy care (Ministry of Health Republic of Indonesia, UNDP and WHO, 1991a; Tinker & Koblinsky, 1993); and, especially, specifying the medical and policy interventions needed to ensure that pregnancy is safe and that complications, when they arise, are treated (Maine, 1993; Maine, Akalin, Chakraborty, De Francisco, & Strong, 1996; Maine & Rosenfield, 1999; Ronsmans, Vanneste, Chakraborty, & Van Ginneken, 1997; Thaddeus & Maine, 1990; Tinker & Koblinsky, 1993; Weil & Fernandez, 1999). This paper adds to this literature a fifth concern that has been neglected—how political will gets generated for safe motherhood—so that the fight to surmount the global maternal mortality crisis may be approached strategically on this dimension as well.
Section snippets
Background
A vast literature on agenda setting exists, much of it inspired by Schattschneider's writings. This body of work identifies systematic features shaping the likelihood that an issue will rise to the attention of policy-makers. Four factors are laid out here. This is not an exhaustive list, and many irregularities infuse the process. However, agenda setting exhibits distinct patterns.
In one of the earliest works on agenda setting, Jack Walker (1974), analyzing traffic safety policy in the United
Methodology
This study of Indonesian safe motherhood was part of a larger investigation of public health programmes in the country undertaken to evaluate the political and bureaucratic factors shaping policy effectiveness in industrializing nations. I spent nine months in Indonesia in 1996 conducting interviews, observing program implementation and collecting government documents and local research reports on safe motherhood, family planning and child immunization policy. For the case of safe motherhood,
The case: Indonesian safe motherhood, 1987–1997
Indonesia has had a long-standing problem with maternal mortality. As of the early 1990s its maternal mortality ratio stood at around 400 deaths per 100,000 births, almost two-thirds of women delivered in the absence of skilled birth attendants, and almost three-quarters gave birth outside medical institutions (Table 1).
Despite the persistent problem, it was not until 1988 that the issue received significant political priority. A global focusing event, the 1987 international safe motherhood
Indonesian safe motherhood and agenda setting theory
After 1987 the issue of safe motherhood rose from near obscurity in Indonesia to prominent national level attention. In retrospect it appears that Indonesia experienced a phased approach to safe motherhood promotion. The first phase took place from 1988 to 1995, during which the policy elements were developed and implemented. The second phase occurred from 1996 on, with a revitalization of the initiative by a new set of political actors who pushed a program whose major elements were already in
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank Ruth Simmons, M. Kent Jennings and John Jackson for their valuable input on this paper. All errors are the responsibility of the author alone. Funding from the National Security Education Program, administered by the Academy for Educational Development, made research for this paper possible and is gratefully acknowledged.
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