Discussion
This study is the first of its kind to evaluate the large-scale impact of a parenting programme aimed at reducing VAC in LMICs. Despite its non-randomised design and reliance on routine monitoring and evaluation data, which often results in substantial missing data and limits causal inference, embedding this study within Kizazi Kipya Project—which delivered Furaha Teens to 70 407 beneficiaries—provided a unique opportunity to significantly advance our understanding of the impact of an evidence-based intervention delivered at scale within existing service delivery systems. The findings offer valuable insights into the sustained effects of such a programme when integrated into routine services. The findings are promising for the future scale-up of parenting programmes in LMICs considering evidence that interventions, including parenting programmes and other programmes for children and families, often have difficulty maintaining effects observed in randomised trials when delivered at scale and in routine service settings.13 31 32 The relatively high data completion rate of 60.5% is also noteworthy for the delivery setting, especially considering the implementation occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic.
The large reductions in parent/caregiver-reported and adolescent-reported child maltreatment from pretest to post-test are promising, an important finding in the field of translational science.16 Results are by-and-large consistent with findings from the original RCT of the programme in South Africa which also found similar reductions in child maltreatment when compared with a control group (parent/caregiver: IRR=0.39 (95% CI 0.28, 0.54); adolescent: IRR=0.71 (95% CI 0.51, 0.97)).20 The convergence of parent/caregiver and adolescent reports also provides additional confidence in the results.33 The findings are also encouraging given the large proportion of male parents/caregivers in the sample (35.4%), who are often excluded from parenting programmes.34 Similarly, analyses found positive changes in multiple outcomes linked to increased risk of VAC. This study found reductions in child behaviour problems, child and caregiver mental health problems, and family financial insecurity.27 Improvements in sexual health communication between parents/caregivers and their adolescents are encouraging, as evidence suggests strong linkages between sexual health communication and reduced adolescent risky sexual behaviour and sexual abuse.35 In addition, the reductions in experience of intimate partner violence and school violence found in this study indicate potential knock-on effects of parenting programmes on other forms of violence.36 This finding is also aligned with emerging research suggesting that improvements in parenting may accelerate impacts across multiple outcomes linked to a wider range of SDGs.37
The study also found reductions in positive parental involvement and parent support of education. It is possible that positive parent/caregiver–child interaction were affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, especially since the implementing partner only included these outcomes at wave 2 during the height of government restrictions, which included several months of school closures. Furthermore, parents/caregivers may have required additional emphasis on the positive parenting skills introduced during the first half of the programme, especially when the programme shifted focus to conflict resolution during the latter half. The intervention may also have served as a protective factor to even greater reductions in positive parenting due to the pandemic. Nonetheless, further research using a quasi-experimental design with controls is necessary to establish whether these results were due to the Furaha Teens programme or other factors.
This study was also the first of its kind to conduct analyses of factors associated with pre–post changes in child maltreatment at scale, thus allowing for greater specificity on whether there may be differential effects based on population characteristics. The large sample size also provided substantial statistical power to detect interaction effects that many smaller studies of parenting programmes lack.38 39 However, it is important to note that results from parent/caregiver reports or adolescent reports were somewhat contradictory. For instance, while parents/caregivers who experienced adversity reported greater reductions in child maltreatment (ie, child orphanhood, higher poverty, tuberculosis or AIDS-related death, alcohol or substance use problems, or family conflict), adolescents reported smaller reductions (ie, child illness, child disability or tuberculosis or AIDS-related death). More vulnerable adolescents may have reported less positive change during the intervention than less vulnerable adolescents due to additional stressors experienced. Yet, another explanation is that more vulnerable parents/caregivers may have engaged more in the programme due to perceptions that the programme may help them with adversities and thus these parents/caregivers may have responded more positively than those who were less vulnerable. Interestingly, parents/caregivers and adolescents in single-parent families reported greater reductions in child maltreatment when compared with those with parents/caregivers in partnered relationships.
The larger associations warrant further discussion. Families with younger children reported substantially higher reductions in maltreatment than those with older children, potentially due to lower baseline rates of maltreatment, though it could also have been due to the reduced effectiveness of the intervention. Furthermore, children enrolled in school reported much greater reductions in maltreatment than those who were not enrolled suggesting possible community-level influences, especially since those who received the programme within the schools system and by teachers showed greater effects. Moreover, as a comparison group was not available, it is possible that some subgroups would have experienced greater or smaller changes in their outcomes over time in the absence of the intervention. Finally, the thresholds for small, medium and large effect sizes were developed a priori for the purposes to allow for interpretation of relative results within this study. Future research is recommended on magnitudes of these effects, especially within the field of parenting interventions and the prevention of child maltreatment.
Limitations of working with FUPS data in a real-world context
This study represented a unique opportunity to analyse the largest dataset known on a parenting programme delivered in a low-resource, community setting at scale. While this dataset is novel and valuable, it had limitations in terms of data quality. Restrictions during COVID-19 and challenges conducting monitoring and evaluation hindered data quality. Data collection via paper forms is commonly used within this context due to limited access to technology in the field. However, this process is prone to errors in the form of misplacing forms and entering the data incorrectly. In addition, the reliance on abbreviated measurements that were not psychometrically tested may have resulted in imprecise assessments of outcomes. Most of the measures had acceptable levels of reliability (see tables 4 and 5 and online supplemental table 4) with low correlations for child maltreatment and IPV measures expected due to different individual-level behaviours (eg, caregivers may consistently use one form of physical discipline over another). Although the implementing partner did not have the capacity to administer longer assessments using complete scales, an alternative approach randomly selecting participants from the wider sample may have provided more robust results.
There were also a variety of errors in the data regarding consistency and accuracy of participant IDs used to match pre–post surveys and parent/caregiver–adolescent dyads, which is common among datasets collected in routine delivery settings.17 First, there were many instances in which it was not possible to link the data provided by parents/caregivers and adolescents from the same family. Second, there were numerous instances in which participants provided information that contradicted expectations regarding programme delivery. For instance, 1752 adolescents provided ‘0’ to every survey question. Third, there were a large number of missing time points/surveys. It is possible that participants who did not complete post-test surveys due to programme dropout or refused to answer certain questions may have experienced worse effects. Likewise, we were unable to examine the potential effect of missing data at the facilitator level due inconsistent data collection by implementing partners. More efficient processes for assigning participant IDs may reduce errors. Improvements in monitoring and evaluation systems would require additional training for data collectors on how to identify inconsistent responses.40 It is also possible that those who were dropped from the study due to missing data may have had lower programme engagement than those who were included, which may have resulted in overestimation of intervention effects. Nonetheless, sensitivity analyses using data that only removed duplicate forms showed very similar results to the main analyses. Fourth, the reliance on secondary pre–post data collected from routine service delivery systems limited our ability to draw causal inference of programme effectiveness at scale. Although sensitivity analyses using E-values did not reveal significant unmeasured confounding effects, it may have been more prudent to use the staggered rollout of the programme to randomly select a natural control group. However, embedding more complex study designs within a large-scale initiative would have required additional time and funding to adequately plan with implementing partners.