Major findings and trends
This study considered the geographic, demographic and socioeconomic factors that might have had an impact on the initial (first wave) spread and severity of COVID-19 among 46 of the 47 countries comprising the WHO African region Member States. Our primary findings were that (1) wealthier countries with higher per-capita GDP, older populations, and larger fishing and tourism industries reported higher attack rates but experienced slower initial epidemic growth rates and lower CFRs; and (2) countries with lower self-assessment of pre-COVID-19 pandemic preparedness and which imposed more stringent control measures at the start of the epidemic saw a significant delay in the detection of their first COVID-19 case, and reported lower cumulative and peak (mean monthly) attack rates. These findings are consistent with other studies which have documented the association of air travel, connectivity, and tourism on the spread2 6 and mortality22 associated with COVID-19 infection for sub-Saharan African countries. This result underscores the importance of the design and early implementation of surveillance and control measures at points of entry, including appropriate screening and isolation policies,11 since these could result in reducing pathogen spread.16 23–25 Our finding that wealthier countries reported higher (and earlier) case numbers is also consistent with, and partially explained by, heterogeneity in the testing capacity between countries,2 which likely resulted in underreporting or delayed reporting of cases in more resource-limited African countries. When higher attack rates correlate with lower CFR, a trend we observed here, this could be indicative of an impact of capacity on the response in terms of both case detection and clinical management. More directed testing policies in resource-limited settings, such as testing only symptomatic individuals or those in quarantine, may have also contributed to biases complicating the evaluation of actual rates of community spread and severity.26
It is unclear whether lower numbers of reported COVID-19 cases and deaths in African countries relative to the rest of the world represented lower rates of transmission due to control measures, fewer symptomatic infections due to younger populations, or simply weaker detection capacities than in high-resource settings.27 It has been well-known from early on that COVID-19 is more severe in older populations,27 driving up the probability of detection. Indeed, African countries were also found to have reported fewer COVID-19 infections among children than adults.28 However, countries with higher GDP per capita have higher life expectancy at birth,29 suggesting that lower CFRs in better-resourced sub-Saharan African countries could have been attributed to more developed healthcare systems and surveillance capacities.26 This result presents a paradox, since case fatality rates should be higher in older populations. The explanation we propose is that the paradox itself supports the interpretation that GDP, and therefore surveillance and/or healthcare capacity, is what drove lower CFRs relative to other African countries. In low-resource settings, even if the population is younger, testing capacity is often stretched to the point where it is reserved only for symptomatic or hospitalised cases. Countries with more capacity for contact tracing and systematic testing (eg, in Seychelles) will be significantly less biased towards identifying only the most severe cases, and earlier treatment can lead to better outcomes. That said, high-income countries from other parts of the world, such as the United States, were not successful in reducing mortalities during the first wave of COVID-19, indicating that developed health systems alone were not sufficient to control COVID-19 related deaths.30 Thus, other aspects responsible for the better performance of relatively wealthy African countries should be explored in future studies.
We found that higher population urbanisation was positively associated with higher cumulative and peak attack rates, as well as earlier detection of the first infection. It has been previously recorded that large, global cities reported positive COVID-19 cases at an earlier stage, whether due to their strong connectedness to other large global cities via international travel31 or due to the concentration of testing resources in capital cities. Additionally, we found that the speed at which the first 50 infections were detected in a country was slower for wealthier countries with larger tourism industries and older populations. This result is counter-intuitive given the likely role of greater detection capacity in these countries, but could indicate that better surveillance may have also led to more effective isolation of early cases. After outliers including the highly wealthy nation of Seychelles were removed from the analysis to test for robustness, we found that this indicator of early epidemic growth rate was no longer influenced by the composite wealth factor (PC1), but instead was classically faster in more dense populations. Dense urban populations are prone to higher rates of crowding and social interactions, which increases the risk for the spread of directly transmitted aerial infectious agents in particular.32–34
We observed that countries that imposed less stringent control measures at the start of the pandemic were the ones in which COVID-19 outbreak began, or at least was identified, earlier. As expected, early implementation of restriction and control measures probably resulted in delaying the onset of the outbreak. Previous research showed that a common characteristic among countries with delayed onset was the implementation of effective border measures and various preparedness activities at an early stage.10 35 36 Conversely, countries that had higher preparedness scores were among the earliest to detect their first case. This is best explained by the fact that the preparedness index includes testing capacity, meaning that countries better prepared to control an epidemic are likely to have enhanced testing and surveillance capabilities, and as a result were able to detect and identify cases earlier. Indeed, a study focusing on the 24 sub-Saharan African countries that were COVID-19 free as of 30 March 2020 documented that only 38% of them had COVID-19 testing capacities.10 Great examples of the positive impact of prior epidemic response capacity-building efforts on the COVID-19 pandemic has come from countries impacted by Ebola virus threats—particularly those touched by the 2014–2016 outbreak in West Africa.37 38 Although we found that stringent COVID-19 response policies put in place at the start of the pandemic likely helped to control its initial arrival and spread, many of these measures have been associated with other negative consequences.39–42 Though epidemiologically circular, mean stringency was higher among countries reporting greater attack rates in our analysis. While this association does not imply that on-going stringency measures did not aid in mitigating the size of the pandemic within African countries, as they very likely did, it does show that these measures are neither preventative nor long-term solutions. Therefore, strict government actions should be implemented carefully. Future studies should address the overall impact of such measures by considering more parameters like quality-adjusted life years and effects on mental health.41–44
Strengths and limitations
Our study is one of the most comprehensive studies describing the first wave of COVID-19 pandemic in Africa. Indicators summarising the arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic in the WHO African region provide a comparative understanding of the burden, severity, spatial trends, and evolution of the pandemic in Member States. Our analyses provide evidence for the roles of tourism, age distribution, and GDP in driving COVID-19 attack rates and CFRs. We also established that countries with strict governmental policies experienced later start (or at least detection) dates of the COVID-19 outbreak, and that countries sharing borders with heavily-affected neighbours nevertheless managed to reduce the speed at which the first 50 infections occurred.
However, wide heterogeneity in response capacity across African countries limits our ability to extract general conclusions that accurately reflect the situation on the ground. An important limitation of this study is the lack of standardisation in testing28 and case notification policies between countries. Similar to other regions, African countries experienced under-reporting of confirmed cases and deaths.4 45 We also note that the crude CFR, which uses the cumulative number of deaths reported over the same period as the cumulative number of cases, does not take into account the inherent lag in death and the reporting of deaths; thus, the CFR may be under-estimated, particularly in countries such as Cabo Verde, where the number of cases was still rising steadily at the end of the study period. Additionally, the availability of individual patient data could have been useful, but such studies are limited in the context of Africa and have so far only addressed the impacts of a few individual-level factors on disease frequency and outcomes.46
Moreover, we relied on non-contextual (average value) data imputation methods where values were missing, as was the case for tourism and stringency variables for some countries. We also note that some indicators were not reported with consistent frequency for all countries, such as population size and density estimates. There are other potential variables not accounted for in our study such as air pollution, climatic variation, economic inequality (GINI index), diet and so on, that could affect the spread and severity of COVID-19 in the African region.6
Conclusions
Important evidence can be extracted from our results to inform decision-makers on the factors to be considered when designing their plan to effectively and rapidly control a future outbreak in the African context. Relatively wealthy sub-Saharan African countries, which also have large tourism industries, detected higher case numbers early in the pandemic, suggesting a role for both greater testing capacities but also higher exposure via international travel. However, these nations also experienced lower CFRs, potentially due to higher healthcare capacities, allowing them to better manage care of patients and minimise the number of deaths. Countries with weaker control measures faced earlier COVID-19 outbreaks, and those with greater urbanised and dense populations experienced faster increases in the number of cases at the beginning of the outbreak. These findings stress the need to implement appropriate non-pharmaceutical measures at an early stage, with emphasis on densely populated areas, and popular tourist destinations. Where this implementation is challenging, investments in for example, infrastructure, local production of essential materials (gloves, masks, soap and so on), training of personnel, and public health education campaigns during non-crisis periods can help improve preparedness. Finally, surveillance and testing capacities remain a key challenge in the region. Robust surveillance and testing capacities are needed to ensure that public health decisions are based on data that depict the epidemiological situation accurately. The quality and timeliness of data are essential to better evaluate and adjust control measures implemented during the course of an outbreak, to help limit the reliance on blanket or prolonged measures that can have harmful social and economic impacts. We thus urge decision-makers to improve these capacities to ensure rapid response to future threats to public health and economic stability.