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From the ‘old’ to the ‘new’ policy design: design thinking beyond markets and collaborative governance

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Abstract

Policy design as a field of inquiry in policy studies has had a chequered history. After a promising beginning in the 1970s and 1980s, the field languished in the 1990s and 2000s as work in the policy sciences focused on the impact on policy outcomes of meta-changes in society and the international environment. Both globalization and governance studies of the period ignored traditional design concerns in arguing that changes at this level predetermined policy specifications and promoted the use of market and collaborative governance (network) instruments. However, more recent work re-asserting the role of governments both at the international and domestic levels has revitalized design studies. This special issue focuses on recent efforts in the policy sciences to reinvent, or more properly, ‘re-discover’ the policy design orientation in light of these developments. Articles in the issue address leading edge issues such as the nature of design thinking and expertise in a policy context, the temporal aspects of policy designs, the role of experimental designs, the question of policy mixes, the issue of design flexibility and resilience and the criteria for assessing superior designs. Evidence and case studies deal with design contexts and processes in Canada, China, Singapore, the UK, EU, Australia and elsewhere. Such detailed case studies are necessary for policy design studies to advance beyond some of the strictures placed in their way by the reification of, and over-emphasis upon, only a few of the many possible kinds of policy designs identified by the 1990s and early 2000s literature.

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Notes

  1. A movement towards the development of more networked societies, it was argued, reduced government capacity for independent action and limited design choices and alternatives (Dobuzinskis 1987; Lehmbruch 1991). As networkization increased, it was argued, many countries placed an increasing emphasis on public information and other similar types of tools, replacing or supplementing other forms of government activity such as regulation or public enterprises (Hawkins and Thomas 1989; Woodside 1986; Howlett and Ramesh 1993; Hood 1991; Doern and Wilks 1998; Weiss and Tschirhart 1994).

  2. It has been argued in many circles that in response to the increased complexity of society and the international environment, governments in many countries (particularly in Western Europe) turned away from the use of a relatively limited number of traditional, often command-and-control oriented, policy tools such as public enterprises, regulatory agencies, subsidies and exhortation, and began to increasingly use their organizational resources to support a different set of substantive and procedural tools (Majone 1997; Peters 1998; Klijn and Teisman 1991). And some policy designs invoking new tools such as government reorganizations, reviews and inquiries, government–NGO partnerships and stakeholder consultations which act to guide or steer policy processes in the direction government wishes through the manipulation of policy actors and their interrelationships are indeed more frequent and common (Bingham et al. 2005). However other trends exist in other sectors featuring other kinds of governance activities and preferences and continue to challenge public administrators, managers and scholars (Peters and Pierre 1998; Peters 1996; Knill 1999).

  3. It is important to note, however, that policy instruments exist at all stages of the policy process—with specific tools such as stakeholder consultations and government reviews intricately linked to agenda-setting activities, ones like legislative rules and norms linked to decision-making behaviour and outcomes, and others linked to policy evaluation, such as the use of ex-post, or after-the-fact, cost–benefit analyses Although policy instruments appear in all stages of the policy process, those affecting the agenda-setting, decision-making and evaluation stages of the policy process, while very significant and important in public management (Wu et al. 2010), are less so with respect to policy design activities. This is because policy design largely takes place at the formulation stage of the policy cycle and deals with plans for the implementation stage. Thus the key sets of policy instruments of concern to policy designers are those linked to policy implementation, in the first instance, and to policy formulation, in the second. In the first category we would find examples of many well-known governing tools such as public enterprises, financial subsidies and regulatory agencies which are expected to alter or affect the delivery of goods and services to the public and government (Salamon 2002a, b), while in the second we would find instruments such as regulatory impact or environmental impact appraisals which are designed to alter and affect some aspect of the nature of policy deliberations and the consideration and assessment of alternatives (Turnpenny et al. 2009).

  4. In such studies attention has also been focused on the design criteria for policy success and studies have argued for the importance of designers aiming to achieve criteria such as ‘coherence, consistency and congruence’ or ‘integration’ in any new design (Howlett and Rayner 2007; Kern and Howlett 2009; Meijers et al. 2004; Briassoulis 2005a, b; Meijers and Stead 2004; Stead et al. 2004). That is, designers should ensure that any new design elements are coherent in the sense that they are logically related to overall policy aims and objectives; that they be consistent in that they work together to support a policy goal; and that both policy goals and means should be congruent, rather than working at cross-purposes.

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Howlett, M. From the ‘old’ to the ‘new’ policy design: design thinking beyond markets and collaborative governance. Policy Sci 47, 187–207 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11077-014-9199-0

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